Economic concerns in focus as Zambia heads to the polls

Updated Jul 29, 2026, 7:42am EDT
Africa
Zambia’s President Hakainde Hichilema greets United Party for National Development (UPND) supporters.
Moses Mwape/Reuters
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The News

Zambians will vote next month in a test for the southern African region’s most closely watched economic recovery, facing the twin pressures of emergency power imports and expanded parliamentary map that threaten to complicate the nation’s reform path.

President Hakainde Hichilema is largely seen as the frontrunner in the Aug. 13 vote; he broadly enjoys the backing of international investors eager for policy continuity in Africa’s second biggest copper producer — a sentiment shared at home. Hichilema, who was elected in 2021, will face Brian Mundubile, a first-time presidential contender running under the hastily organized coalition of opposition partners following the split of the former ruling party.

Economic concerns are taking center stage for voters who are measuring Hichilema’s macro achievements — including the $13 billion default era debt — against everyday financial reality. Rising food costs and squeezed household budgets continue to test patience on the ground. At the same time, the state’s reliance on costly emergency power imports to stave off grueling 20-plus hour blackouts ahead of the election cycle.

Hichilema’s re-election campaign under United Party for National Development anchors itself on macroeconomic stability, pointing to delivery services such as universal free education and investor confidence as the necessary foundation for long-term growth.

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Mundubile’s National Reconciliation for Unity and Prosperity — which replaced the former ruling Patriotic Front — is running on grassroots discontent over high living costs and IMF-mandated austerity, positioning his opposition as the defender of local voters punishing the ruling party for economic hardship.

Market analysts see little threat to the presidency itself. “There was effectively no meaningful electoral opposition until a month ago, and this recent development seems unlikely to alter the electoral arithmetic, with our base case in line with recent reporting that the incumbent President remains relatively well-positioned for re-election,” said Katie Kironde, an emerging market and frontier strategist at Citibank in London.

But the debate is more about whether the opposition coalition can split the vote, strip Hichilema’s UPND of its working legislative majority, and threaten to gridlock reforms. Such legislative paralysis could derail Zambia’s debt default recovery, analysts said.

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Zambia’s concurrent voting system allows voters to cast separate ballots for the presidency and the parliament, creating the possibility of split-ticket voting. But the 2025 constitutional changes specifically tying 40 new proportional representation seats directly on the presidential vote has the potential to offset those losses.

“The parliamentary election is where we’re likely to see a shift,” said Marisa Lourenco, an independent risk adviser in Johannesburg. “If the ruling party fails to secure a majority, the presidency will need to negotiate with opposition parties, which could slow policy implementation.”

Polling from the Zambia Elections Research Network points to volatility at the constituency level, showing that about a third of respondents plan to vote for their sitting member of parliament, while the same number are undecided or declined to state a preference.

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Signal Risk, an African political risk advisory firm in Johannesburg, said in a briefing to clients shared with Semafor that disgruntled UPND members who missed out on the official nomination are running as independent candidates, suggesting that even if a voter supports Hichilema at the top of the ticket they might choose a well-known local neighbor on the parliamentary ballot over the official UPND nominee.

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Know More

Since coming to power in 2021, the Hichilema administration has focused on debt restructuring and energy sector reforms, supported by copper investors and a completed $1.7 billion IMF extended credit facility that concluded in January.

Ministry of Energy data shows domestic power generation has left Zambia well short of its peak energy needs, triggering widespread rolling power cuts. To cushion the blow, the state utility has been forced to cover the gap with emergency imports from regional neighbors – a stop-gap measure that analysts say poses fiscal risks.

“Importing power puts pressure on a budget that is already strained,” Lourenco said. “The current spending level is difficult to sustain, and load-shedding is likely to return after the elections.”

The price tag for plugging these gaps is steep, costing ZESCO roughly $50 million per month — at rates more than two times higher than domestic hydro-generation costs — and leaving the utility selling power at heavily subsidized retail prices.

This fiscal drag comes at the moment when Lusaka and the IMF are due to agree on a successor Extended Credit Facility program. Formal negotiations have been put on hold until after the vote, meaning the incoming administration will be left to reconcile these regional energy purchases with spending caps required by the post-default debt deals.

John Mukum Mbaku, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, said the vote is a “referendum on how Zambians feel about the country’s debt restructuring and the accompanying austerity measures.”

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Tiisetso’s view

Investors celebrating Zambia’s hard-fought debt deal are viewing the vote through a dangerously simplistic lens. Yields on the country’s Eurobonds signal confidence in a straightforward second term for Hichilema. But look beneath the top-of-the-ticket polling, and the fiscal and legislative math unravels.

Behind the lights staying on is a gruelling financial trade off where ZESCO is running tens of millions of dollars in monthly shortfall, buying regional power at more than two times the retail rates home.

A reshaped National Assembly and polling showing that only a third of voters plan to back sitting MPs will likely result in a split outcome, where the presidency is re-elected but the legislature is fragmented. “The UPND thought the constitutional amendment was an advantage for them. They forgot the elections are about the people and they are being punished on the ground,” Mundubile told Semafor.

That pairing — a president with limited legislative room and a budget hollowed by energy imports — is a policy trap. Investors cheer continuity at the top, but continuity of policy requires a working majority and a fiscally responsible plan for power.

If investors think a second term buys reform on autopilot, they have confused a headline with the hard work of lawmaking.

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Room for Disagreement

UPND officials contend that Hichilema’s presidential lead and popular local delivery — including expanded social safety nets and universal free education — will secure a clear working majority, neutralizing the threat of independent defectors.

Energy Minister Makozo Chikote said absorbing high regional import costs for electricity was important to protect core economic drivers like mining. “In the short to medium term, this gap is expected to narrow progressively as additional generation capacity comes on stream,” he said.

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Notable

  • Zambia aims to secure a new successor International Monetary Fund programme by the end of 2026 to boost investment, drive economic growth, and create jobs after its previous $1.7 billion arrangement concluded in January.
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