Kevin Lamarque/ReutersWhen now-New Jersey Gov.-elect Mikie Sherrill’s strategists tested her campaign messaging, they saw a major opportunity with a valuable bloc of swing voters: backers of outgoing Democratic Gov. Phil Murphy in 2021 who had moved to Donald Trump’s camp in 2024. Republicans saw potential there for Jack Ciattarelli, their gubernatorial nominee in 2021 and 2025, who embraced the president and dreamed of bringing DOGE to New Jersey. But Democrats’ research showed that none of that was clicking. “There was already this sense that Trump wasn’t doing what he said he was going to do,” said Angela Kuefler, a campaign pollster who has worked with both Sherrill and Virginia Gov.-elect Abigail Spanberger since they entered politics. Swing voters were telling Democrats that “their costs were still really high,” she added. “This isn’t why they voted for him. They were saying: ‘We took a chance on Trump, and it didn’t work.’” The messy end of the government shutdown has darkened Democrats’ moods, just days after their wins in the off-year elections. But those victories have pointed them to a big lesson, one that may work no matter who they nominate. The lesson is this: Not only is it effective to run against the Trump administration in 2025 (and, likely, 2026), but Republicans often make that easier by refusing to put any daylight between their candidates and the president. In both New Jersey and Virginia, Democrats were ready to adjust if GOP nominees criticized Trump’s threats to infrastructure funding or federal worker layoffs. Instead, those Republicans stuck with the White House. Democrats are already applying that lesson in New York, where Republican Rep. Elise Stefanik launched her gubernatorial bid last week. Her campaign video made no mention of Trump, whom she has supported vocally since his first impeachment in 2019. Gov. Kathy Hochul’s campaign, which has hired veterans of the Sherrill race, quickly cut together clips of Stefanik praising Trump, warning that she’d focus on supporting him instead of cutting costs. “Voters don’t think back to what Republicans were before Trump,” said Kuefler. “They now see all Republicans as MAGA Republicans. Jack [Ciattarelli] did a lot of damage to himself. But he was also a victim of where his party had shifted.” Republicans have downplayed Tuesday’s losses as Democratic home games in blue states that had never supported Trump anyway. But Tuesday was the first time that Trump’s party has had to face voters nervous about the economy without him on the ballot. (Even in 2020, voters were more optimistic about Trump leading a pandemic-era comeback than Democrats wanted to believe.) From 2017 through 2019, voters in competitive races largely trusted Trump’s handling of the economy. If they rejected his party, they did so for other reasons — like threats to their health care plans and queasiness about deportations. The economy was his strongest suit. That has changed, even as Republicans insist that it hasn’t. Democrats are getting bolder about the implications of both the reality and the spin.
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